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The Battle for Syria

Political Commentary by Nasser Kandil

The political editor wrote

  • Since Washington and Tel Aviv decided to wage war on Syria, they managed to enlist Arab and regional allies, driven by imperial ambitions and a quest to compensate for the loss of Iraq. They also succeeded in recruiting terrorist organisations, hoping to replicate the experience of Afghanistan. The prevailing mindset in Washington and Tel Aviv, unaffected by changes in Israeli governments or U.S. administrations, is that the security of the occupying entity hinges on Syria, and that American influence either solidifies or falters based on the situation in Syria.
  • The war on Syria has reached a stalemate – a point of no return, where victory is unattainable for all those involved. Even the prospect of partitioning Syria is beyond their grasp. Nonetheless, as they have for years, they can persist in pressuring Syria, stalling its recovery, and denying it the opportunity to reclaim its strength, full sovereignty, and regional role.
  • The Al-Aqsa Flood and the war jointly waged by Tel Aviv and Washington aimed to crush the resistance in Gaza and subdue resistance forces across the region.
  • Syria finds itself in a precarious middle ground, where its downfall is impossible, yet it remains under significant pressure designed to weaken and exhaust it, preventing its recovery. While the resistance forces have advanced on all fronts and imposed a parallel stalemate on the occupying entity, they harbour no illusions of a total liberation war or the complete overthrow of the occupying entity, nor do they believe in a decisive victory akin to the American-Israeli delusion of toppling Syria.

The resistance forces have successfully ensured that Syria’s role in this conflict does not allow it to become a vulnerable flank. Now, Washington and Tel Aviv must accept a resolution in Gaza that meets the resistance’s conditions to secure safe passage for ships from the Red Sea to Israeli ports and for displaced settlers to return to their settlements in northern Palestine. Meanwhile, the resistance continues its open battle to expel American occupation forces from Syria and Iraq.

  • It is certain that the resistance forces do not link a potential agreement on Gaza to the withdrawal of occupation forces from Syria and Iraq. However, the American-Israeli analysis suggests that the resistance, emerging from the Al-Aqsa Flood with an excess of material and moral strength, will soon leverage this to accelerate the decisive battle against the American occupation in Syria and Iraq.
  • The focus of this battle, as the Americans have told the Iraqi government, is Syria. Whether the withdrawal occurs now or later, it will create new dynamics in the region, opening borders between the countries of the Resistance Axis and altering the geostrategic environment surrounding Jordan. Consequently, the threat which this shift poses to the security of the Israeli entity is greater than any risk posed by an agreement that ends the war in Gaza on the resistance’s terms.
  • The Americans and Israelis entered this round with a plan, fragments of which reached Russian President Vladimir Putin. He spoke about it even before the first step was taken, which began with the Majdal Shams massacre, where young people were killed and the resistance was blamed to justify further aggression under the pretext of retaliation—a move Washington readily labelled as “self-defence.” The underlying equation is: “Give us a licence to legitimise the occupation, and we’ll agree to the Gaza deal.” And that’s why Putin is involved!

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