Suleiman Franjieh the distinguished phenomenon

Written by Nasser Kandil,

It is not the first time when the Deputy Suleiman Franjieh constitutes a distinguished phenomenon in managing his political attitudes, he is the first Northern leader among the Christian leaders, he has occupied a status that his rival of the North Samir Geagea does not argue in its validity, while both of them are admitting that the first Christian leadership nationally is in favor of the General Michael Aoun. Franjieh does not too much argue about who is the second at the national level, despite the attempts of the Leader of the Lebanese forces Party to occupy this position depending on the parliamentary status which his party has gained through the votes that seem to be from the nature of the sectarian composition of the candidates in the centers for which they won, those votes are of his Muslim allies, and not votes that express resolved Christian representation. Despite the admission of the Free Patriotic Movement for the Lebanese Forces of the second status in a way that has got the lintel among the ranks of the supporters of Franjieh and his lovers, the relation which links Franjieh with the General Michael Aoun remained under stable constants.

In the nomination for presidency Franjieh is listening to his Lebanese interlocutors who carry messages from leaders such as Saad Al-Hariri who is ready to adopt his nomination away from Aoun nomination, so he smiles and says as long as the General Aoun is still a candidate then he is our candidate. Franjieh does not take the speech of Al Mostaqbal for grated only on the basis of the political maneuvers, because he knows the source of Al-Hariri’s Veto on Aoun, it is from outside the borders, it is a Veto that will be used on Franjieh as long as the international regional settlements have not been achieved, so the speech of presidency will be in another place. Furthermore Franjieh does not get the speech of the international envoys with the same ignorance of Al-Hariri’s messages especially the ambassadors who are edifying of his political calmness, and his openness to everyone, since they see him a candidate that has many opportunities to reach the presidency, but he does not make this speech confuses him about how to behave, because the time is not suitable yet for the serious presidential talking, it is a moral income and it is not necessary to restrict its employment in the presidential maturity which is still according to Franjieh is in the alliance to which he belongs, and it is in favor of the General Michael Aoun.

Franjieh may listen to the speech of the deputy and the political familial leader as him Walid Jumblatt despite the difference in nature , alliances, and the principles he knows that Walid Jumblatt who interested very much in the abroad is taking his decision by his own, contrary to many people who have shown little interest and great loyalty. Franjieh is interested in the speech of Jumblatt concerning his readiness to give his vote to him as a presidential candidate, knowing that his speech is emotional and rational at the same time, but it does not imply any practical movement in politics only through considerations of the availability of the major settlements that are related to the region and which open the file of presidency which is postponed until further notice. But the speech of Jumblatt remains an advocacy that he can declare of it in front of the international, regional, and local active powers, if there was an obstinacy; in making the understandings, the value of Jumblatt’s speech according to Franjieh is similar to what he felt at the Gemayel family as an advocacy if there was an obstinacy in settlements. President Amine Gemayel and the Deputy Walid Jumblatt are leaving the leadership for their sons, but at the same time they trust the interest of Franjieh if he was able to help in securing the smooth transition within the historical familial Lebanese homes away from politics.

Franjieh is behaving towards all the issues by a spontaneous adherence to the constants, because his relation with Syria and its President does not need to be reminded, he stood with them in the calamites, as well as with the resistance, he does not live the complex of the test and proving the loyalty and seriousness. From these two positions he does not hesitate to estimate the size of the transition which was made by the General Aoun in the Christian background, because it was impossible to achieve it without him, from these two stemmed positions of the understanding of Franjieh the grandson and the Franjieh the grandfather about interest of the East’s Christians through their agreeing on the special concept of the secular role of Syria in keeping this distinctive presence, and fronting the threats of extremism and the growth of sects which Franjieh insists that they are similar to each other, in addition  it is not possible to face the tribalism with a parallel one, thus he sticks to his status and his Christian responsibility towards the Christians and their presence which he does not relate it to their being Christians, but he adheres more and more to the priority of calling the Christians to integrate within a national spirit and to approach the problems of their country out of this spirit, even if they face the sectarian tribalism. From this aspect Franjieh is differentiated from the General Aoun within his alliance which he called it the strategic, and not according scoring presidential points which his rivals count, and through which they think that they understand his attitudes, so they talk about the rationality of Franjieh in the progress as a symbol of moderation, while according to him the matter is different, it is namely cooling the sensitivities and the sectarian divisions.

Regarding the issue of naming the Brigadier Chamel Roukoz to occupy the position of a commander of the army, Franjieh seemed more Aouni more than the supporters of Aoun themselves, while those who are closer to him know how he is totally separated in his relation with the General Aoun despite his welcoming and encouraging Aoun’s initiative by nominating Roukoz for this position. Franjieh considerations are the concern about the military institution through which he sees Roukoz as an ideal exemplary character in its patriotism and its effectiveness for leading this institution, as was his enthusiasm towards the General Emile Lahoud  for taking over this leadership a quarter of a century ago, as was his support towards him for taking over the presidency later and during the extension of his presidential term, he does not behave from his position as a Christian leader that is nominated as a normal candidate for presidency at a time the presidential choices are placed on the table of the Syrian President who his friend and his strategic ally.

Franjieh has supported the nomination of the General Michael Suleiman for presidency, but he quarreled with him before Doha Meeting, when Suleiman has hesitated to accept the pledge of giving the opposition which was represented by the forces of March 8^th the guaranteeing third in the government of the national unity.

As much as Franjieh was a supporter of enforcing the relationship between the President Emile Lahoud and the President Bashar Al-Assad he stands as a powerful supporter with strengthening the relationship between the President Al-Assad and the General Aoun.

Simply, Franjieh is drawing his criteria which stem from the constants that lead to the position, and from values that draw the developments, a different type of leaders which Lebanon and the Lebanese people are in need of as a deputy, minister, and as a president, but they need him in all stages as a leader.

The distinguished position of Franjieh concerning attending the legislative session is no more than a flash stemming from special and distinguished background at the moment where the Lebanese are in need of seeing remarkable signs that prevent the pure sectarian divisions, this is much further from the little considerations which many will read in the position of Franjieh regarding.

Translated by Lina Shehadeh,